Dobson's at it again...protecting the families of the world by doing everything in his power to support the right wing political agenda. And I would say the same thing if his attack was leveled at McCain instead of Obama. As an aside, Dr. Dobson vowed just a few months ago that he would never support McCain because he wasn't conservative enough. He has since reversed himself. Interesting.
I won't go through the whole thing again (see the previous post), but when are the ultra conservative evangelicals going to stop being the mouthpieces for a political party (and underlying agenda, which, by the way, has nothing to do with forwarding the cause of Christ)? When will they shut the crap up and start listening to God (Matthew 25:31-46; Phill. 2:3-5)? When will Christians (or, at least, church-goers; there is a difference) stop allowing ourselves to be led around by the nose at the whims of politico-evangelicals with personal agendas?
I fear the answer to the last question is, perhaps, never. It is much easier to assume that everything they say is correct than it is to search for the truth and think for ourselves; especially in this age of instant misinformation when so much comes at us so fast. It's much easier to live on the falsely energized emotional roller coaster than to admit we are not always right. God is always right, but not us. How many atrocities have been committed and falsehoods perpetrated in his name?
Check out this quote from Jim Wallis' latest blog:
The United States is not the Christian theocracy that [evangelicals] seem to think it should be. Political appeals, even if rooted in religious convictions, must be argued on moral grounds rather than as sectarian religious demands -- so that the people (citizens), whether religious or not, may have the capacity to hear and respond. Religious convictions must be translated into moral arguments, which must win the political debate if they are to be implemented. Religious people don't get to win just because they are religious. They, like any other citizens, have to convince their fellow citizens that what they propose is best for the common good -- for all of us, not just for the religious.
Please think for yourselves. If you disagree with me or anyone else that's fine. But do so in a coherent, cogent way that indicates you have reasoned through your thoughts and the issue at hand. Do it in a way that is biblical and allows for dialogue. Do not paint me or anyone else as evil just because you disagree with us. That determination remains the exclusive purview of God and God alone. And that is biblical--check chapters 2, 3 and 14 of Romans for starters.
Until the church fully ejects itself from protection mode and starts to truly think globally, we have little chance of fulfilling the callings placed upon us by Matthew 25 or Matthew 28.
Pray for peace, wisdom and patience, as will I.
Mike
Showing posts with label Jim Wallis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jim Wallis. Show all posts
Thursday, June 26, 2008
Friday, December 28, 2007
Ten Lessons for Understanding and Surviving War--Especially for People of Faith
The following 10 points were put forth by Jim Wallis shortly after the war with Iraq began and are included in his book, God's Politics, on pages 120-123. If these things make you mad because you think Bush is infallible then I recommend you read the whole book. If you are still mad for the same reason, I suggest you read the Gospels--pay special attention to the red parts. If you will read them with an open mind you will see that they have proven to be quite prophetic.
1. Nobody should be surprised that a vastly superior American fighting force will vanquish a vastly inferior Iraqi army. But one of America's worst characteristics is hoping that success wipes away all the moral questions. In the long run, it won't. War is always ugly, and this one was too.
2. There are many more civilian casualties in modern warfare than military casualties. Smart bombs are never as perfect as boasted, and not all Iraqis may want to be "liberated" by an American occupation. Above all, we must remember that "collateral damage" is never collateral to the families and loved ones of those killed in war. Don't accept the first reports on casualties from governments (on either side) or "embedded" journalists--many of whom now sound more like cheerleaders than reporters. Be sure that technology does not ultimately usurp theology or morality. Find alternative sources for information. Watch and wait for the real story.
3. Humanitarian aid must never be co-opted by the military. Instead it is the painful task to be taken on after the destruction caused by war. Many predict that the aftermath of this war could be far more dangerous and costly, in human terms, than the military campaign. Listen to the non-governmental relief organizations as we move forward.
4. If an evil, dangerous and unpopular regime does collapse quickly, that is not an endorsement of war as the answer, but a sign that a better way to resolve the threat might well have been possible. The best wisdom of most church leaders, Nobel Peace Prize laureates, and a majority of international political figures and diplomats around the world was that alternatives to a full-scale military assault on Iraq were not adequately tested. This was not a war of last resort.
5. A preemptive war of choice, rather than of necessity, fought against over-whelming world opinion and without approval by the United Nations, will not create an atmosphere of cooperation for postwar reconstruction or, most significantly, for the crucial international collaboration needed to defeat the real threats of terrorism.
6. A new world order based on unilateral rather than multilateral action, military power rather than international law, and the sole decisions of the world's last remaining superpower over the deliberations of the community of nations will not create a framework the world can or should trust for peace.
7. Unresolved injustice--such as the Israeli-Pakistanian conflict, feudal Arab regimes protected by oil and globalization policies that systematically give advantage to wealthy nations over poor countries and people--remains a root cause of violence and will not be overcome by the imposition of American military superiority.
8. Dissent in a time of war is not only Christian, it is also patriotic. A long and honorable record of opposition to war in church tradition and American history puts dissent in the mainstream of Christian life and American citizenship. Rather than acquiesce to war, prayerful and thoughtful dissent is more important than ever.
9. The churches have demonstrated the most remarkable unity in our history in opposition to war, even before the war with Iraq started. The American churches didn't just say not to war, but offered compelling and credible alternatives. These alternatives were seriously considered by many political leaders around the world, but not by our own government. An American president who increasingly uses the language of Christian faith refused even to meet with American church leaders for discussion and prayer as he made momentous decisions to go to war. The American churches are now in deep solidarity with the worldwide body of Christ and may have to choose between their Christian alliances and the demands and policies of their own government. We must learn to be Christians first and Americans second.
10. The onset of war with Iraq does not demonstrate the failure of the peace movement, but rather the failure of democracy. Tens of millions of people around the world have become engaged in active citizenship against the policies of preemptive war for resolving the greatest threats to peace and security. It is time to build on that movement, rather than withdraw from collective action. We must learn the differences between grief and despair, between lamenting and languishing, between hope and hostility. We are stronger now, not weaker. Our action has just begun.
1. Nobody should be surprised that a vastly superior American fighting force will vanquish a vastly inferior Iraqi army. But one of America's worst characteristics is hoping that success wipes away all the moral questions. In the long run, it won't. War is always ugly, and this one was too.
2. There are many more civilian casualties in modern warfare than military casualties. Smart bombs are never as perfect as boasted, and not all Iraqis may want to be "liberated" by an American occupation. Above all, we must remember that "collateral damage" is never collateral to the families and loved ones of those killed in war. Don't accept the first reports on casualties from governments (on either side) or "embedded" journalists--many of whom now sound more like cheerleaders than reporters. Be sure that technology does not ultimately usurp theology or morality. Find alternative sources for information. Watch and wait for the real story.
3. Humanitarian aid must never be co-opted by the military. Instead it is the painful task to be taken on after the destruction caused by war. Many predict that the aftermath of this war could be far more dangerous and costly, in human terms, than the military campaign. Listen to the non-governmental relief organizations as we move forward.
4. If an evil, dangerous and unpopular regime does collapse quickly, that is not an endorsement of war as the answer, but a sign that a better way to resolve the threat might well have been possible. The best wisdom of most church leaders, Nobel Peace Prize laureates, and a majority of international political figures and diplomats around the world was that alternatives to a full-scale military assault on Iraq were not adequately tested. This was not a war of last resort.
5. A preemptive war of choice, rather than of necessity, fought against over-whelming world opinion and without approval by the United Nations, will not create an atmosphere of cooperation for postwar reconstruction or, most significantly, for the crucial international collaboration needed to defeat the real threats of terrorism.
6. A new world order based on unilateral rather than multilateral action, military power rather than international law, and the sole decisions of the world's last remaining superpower over the deliberations of the community of nations will not create a framework the world can or should trust for peace.
7. Unresolved injustice--such as the Israeli-Pakistanian conflict, feudal Arab regimes protected by oil and globalization policies that systematically give advantage to wealthy nations over poor countries and people--remains a root cause of violence and will not be overcome by the imposition of American military superiority.
8. Dissent in a time of war is not only Christian, it is also patriotic. A long and honorable record of opposition to war in church tradition and American history puts dissent in the mainstream of Christian life and American citizenship. Rather than acquiesce to war, prayerful and thoughtful dissent is more important than ever.
9. The churches have demonstrated the most remarkable unity in our history in opposition to war, even before the war with Iraq started. The American churches didn't just say not to war, but offered compelling and credible alternatives. These alternatives were seriously considered by many political leaders around the world, but not by our own government. An American president who increasingly uses the language of Christian faith refused even to meet with American church leaders for discussion and prayer as he made momentous decisions to go to war. The American churches are now in deep solidarity with the worldwide body of Christ and may have to choose between their Christian alliances and the demands and policies of their own government. We must learn to be Christians first and Americans second.
10. The onset of war with Iraq does not demonstrate the failure of the peace movement, but rather the failure of democracy. Tens of millions of people around the world have become engaged in active citizenship against the policies of preemptive war for resolving the greatest threats to peace and security. It is time to build on that movement, rather than withdraw from collective action. We must learn the differences between grief and despair, between lamenting and languishing, between hope and hostility. We are stronger now, not weaker. Our action has just begun.
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